Korean Minorities in the Age of Globalization
This article examines the structural conditions and the individual strategies of North Koreans in South Korea. It provides a historical account on the changing social definitions of and policies toward North Korean border-crossers and how the changing conditions have affected their identities and lives. It also gives an ethnographic account of the difficulties and risks of individuals whose identities are caught between ‘‘defector’’ and ‘‘migrant.’’ The problems they face in capitalist South Korea are examined in the major areas of social transition—arrival, orientation, residence, consumption, work, education, and ideology—focusing on individual strategies that negotiate cultural differences between the two Koreas.
Long portrayed as an ethnically pure and homogenous nation-state—the quintessential ‘‘historical nation’’—it has generally been taken for granted that South Korea was immune to the processes of global migration. Beginning in the late 1980s, however, the barriers to large-scale migration began to break down. The reason is easy enough to discern: after decades of rapid and sustained industrialization, combined with a continuous increase in economic wealth, severe labor shortages started to appear in certain segments of the Korean economy. The demand for foreign labor, in short, overcame Korean fears of an ‘‘ethnic invasion.’’ Despite this, many observers assume that the country is still immune to the deeper political, cultural, and social changes that increasing in-migration typically bring. In particular, many believe that South Korea will avoid becoming a country of immigration. In this article, I challenge this view. I argue that the processes of migration tend to unfold in a broadly similar, but not exact manner in different countries—including in South Korea—regardless of their unique social, institutional, political, and cultural circumstances.
This article discusses the production of ‘‘mixed-race’’ subjectivity in South Korea. It asks: how can we understand the lived experiences and histories of mixed-race people as integral to the logic of national governance, both past and present? Instead of regarding mixed-race people in Korea as an aberration or regrettable phenomenon, this article contends that their ‘‘otherness’’ is an outcome of the intensions, contradictions, and insecurities of national governance which coheres around discourse and legislation on the family. The testimony of various mixed-race people living in Korea reveals the racial, gendered, and sexual discursive modalities through which they were rendered outside the scope and meaning of Koreanness. Their testimony also corresponds with the discursive limits set forth by the government, particularly in the establishment of laws that govern desired familial relations within the climate of Cold War militarism, industrialization, and the post-democratization era of globalization and official multiculturalism. The longstanding and still practiced abjection of mixed-race people from South Korean society cannot be understood without exploring the intersection between a racial politics of ‘‘blood purity’’ and a gendered politics of patriarchy that works in service of an imagined Korean homogeneity.
The Gay Rights Movement in Democratizing Korea
Youngshik D. Bong, 86
The transition to democracy and the experience of globalization have transformed the ways Korea as a nation defines its national identity. Rising public attention and acceptance of human rights issues have resulted in discernable political changes in the areas of human rights, but sexual minorities are still left outside such positive developments. Building on the existing scholarly literature on gay rights in Korea, this article examines the problems of sexual minorities and their fight against them in the military, mass media, the educational system, and the courts. It also highlights the key points of contention and obstacles to underpinning the current state of sexual minorities and discusses the likely future trajectory of the gay rights movement in Korean society.
In 1396, a diplomatic rift emerged between the Chosŏn government and its Chinese neighbor. The Ming court took offense at poorly worded diplomatic correspondences and promptly froze all contact with Chosŏn. Court official and scholar Kwŏn Kŭn volunteered to go to China to resolve the dispute. Not only did Kwŏn end up resolving the diplomatic dispute and securing the release of detained envoys, but he also struck a rapport with the Hongwu emperor. The emperor lavished feasts, clothing, and tours upon Kwŏn and even composed poetry for him. Kwŏn reciprocated with three collections of poems, totaling twenty-four individual poems. Upon returning to Chosŏn, Kwŏn was celebrated for solving the diplomatic dispute, and he gained praise for his poetic exchanges with the emperor. This article centers on Kwŏn’s trip to China and his exchange of poetry with the Hongwu emperor. It charts domestic events in both Ming China and Chosŏn leading up to the diplomatic disputes in 1396–1397 and uses Kwŏn’s trip and the exchange of poetry as a vehicle to explore the diplomatic, territorial, and historical issues that surrounded this event and relations between the two countries.
This study investigates two kinds of semantic change in terms for women in Korean, along with parallel developments in Chinese and Japanese, and examines the underlying mechanisms that cause these linguistic changes. In Korean and Chinese, polite terms for young women (akassi and xiǎo jiě, respectively) have been taking on strong sexual connotations, due to the terms’ association with professions in the sex trade. In Korean and Japanese, terms for older sister (enni and oneesan/oneechan, respectively) have been adopted by more senior speakers to address young women, especially those in service interactions, including those in sex entertainment. This study demonstrates that besides sexist attitudes, other quite different motivations can be responsible for the semantic derogation of terms for women. In an effort to be polite, speakers have adopted positive female terms to address women of lower occupational status. Subsequently, the burden of the lower-status referents has caused the positive terms to undergo semantic derogation.
Michael E. Robinson, Korea’s Twentieth-Century Odyssey: A Short History
reviewed by Jong Chol An, 177
Richard D. McBride, II, Domesticating the Dharma: Buddhist Cults and the Hwaŏm Synthesis in Silla Korea
reviewed by Chanju Mun, 180
Don Baker, Korean Spirituality
reviewed by Timothy S. Lee, 183
Samuel Hawley, The Imjin War: Japan’s Sixteenth-Century Invasion of Korea and Attempt to Conquer China
reviewed by Joy S. Kim, 186
Choong-Nam Kim, The Korean Presidents: Leadership for Nation Building
reviewed by Thomas S. Wilkins, 188
David C. Kang, China Rising: Peace, Power, and Order in East Asia
reviewed by Jungmin Seo, 190
Roland Bleiker, Divided Korea: Toward a Culture of Reconciliation
reviewed by Kevin D. Kim, 193
Gi-Wook Shin, Soon-Won Park, and Daqing Yang, ed., Rethinking Historical Injustice and Reconciliation in Northeast Asia: The Korean Experience
reviewed by Tobias Hübinette, 195
Gilbert Rozman, Strategic Thinking about the Korean Nuclear Crisis: Four Parties Caught Between North Korea and the United States
reviewed by Lucius Tillman, 198
Namhee Lee, The Making of Minjung: Democracy and the Politics of Representation in South Korea
reviewed by Jungmin Seo, 200
Hyuk-Rae Kim and Bok Song, ed., Modern Korean Society: Its Development and Prospect
reviewed by Yoonkyung Lee, 203
Frances Gateward, ed., Seoul Searching: Culture and Identity in Contemporary Korean Cinema
reviewed by Sang Yee Cheon, 205
Keith Howard, Chaesuk Lee, and Nicholas Casswell, Korean Kayagŭm Sanjo: A Traditional Instrumental Genre
reviewed by Sun Hee Koo, 207
David Chapman, Zainichi Korean Identity and Ethnicity
reviewed by Haeng-ja Chung, 209